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Reports of an impending American-Russian presidential summit have been overstated, apparently.

Only a few days after President Trump said he intended to meet Russia's leader Putin in the Hungarian capital - "within two weeks or so" - the high-level talks has been suspended indefinitely.

A initial meeting by the both countries' top diplomats has been called off, as well.

"I prefer not to have a wasted meeting," Donald Trump told the press at the White House on a recent weekday. "I don't want a pointless effort, so I will observe what transpires."

• Trump states he wished to avoid a 'unproductive session' after arrangement for Putin talks shelved
• Letdown in Kyiv as President Zelensky leaves Washington without results

The on-again, off-again meeting is another development in Trump's attempts to broker an conclusion to war in the Eastern European nation – a topic of increased attention for the US president after he orchestrated a ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement in the Palestinian territory.

During a speech in Egypt recently to commemorate that ceasefire agreement, the president addressed his lead diplomatic negotiator, with a new request.

"We have to get Russia resolved," he said.

Nonetheless, the circumstances that converged to make a Middle East success achievable for Witkoff and his team may be difficult to duplicate in a Ukraine war that has been raging for nearing several years.

Less Leverage

According to Witkoff, the crucial element to achieving a deal was Israel's move to strike Hamas negotiators in the Gulf state. It was a action that angered US partners in the Arab world but provided Trump bargaining power to compel Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu into reaching an agreement.

The US president benefited from a long record of supporting Israel dating back to his initial presidency, including his decision to relocate the American embassy to the contested city, to change US policy on the lawfulness of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, in recent times, his support for Israel's military campaign against the Islamic Republic.

The American leader, in fact, is better regarded among the Israeli public than Netanyahu – a situation that gave him unique influence over the nation's head.

Combine Trump's political and economic ties to influential Arab nations in the region, and he had a abundant diplomatic muscle to force an deal.

In the Ukraine war, by contrast, the president has much less influence. Over the past nine months, he has swung between attempts to strong-arm the Russian president and then Zelensky, all with minimal visible progress.

Trump has warned to impose additional penalties on Russia's oil and gas sales and to supply Ukraine with new long-range weapons. But he has also acknowledged that doing so could harm the world's financial stability and intensify the conflict.

Meanwhile, the US leader has publicly berated Ukraine's president, halting briefly intelligence-sharing with the country and pausing weapon deliveries to the nation - only to then retreat in the face of concerned European allies who warn a Ukrainian collapse could destabilise the whole area.

The president loves to tout his ability to meet and hammer out agreements, but his personal discussions with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders have not appeared to move the hostilities any nearer a resolution.

The Russian president may actually be exploiting Trump's desire for a settlement – and belief in direct negotiations - as a means of influencing him.

In July, Russia's leader agreed to a summit in Alaska at the time when it appeared likely that the president would sign off on legislative penalties supported by Senate Republicans. That legislation was subsequently put on hold.

Recently, as news emerged that the US administration was considering seriously shipping long-range missiles and Patriot anti-air batteries to Kyiv, the president of Russia phoned the US president who then touted the potential summit in Budapest.

The following day, the president hosted Ukraine's leader at the executive residence, but left empty-handed after a reportedly strained discussion.

The US leader insisted that he was not being played by the Russian president.

"You know, I have been manipulated throughout my career by skilled operators, and I emerged successfully," he remarked.

However the president of Ukraine later made note of the timeline of developments.

"As soon as the issue of long-range mobility became a little further away for us – for our nation – Russia quickly became less interested in negotiations," he said.

So, in a short period, the president has shifted from entertaining the prospect of sending missiles to the Eastern European country to organizing a Budapest summit with Russia's leader and privately urging Zelensky to cede all of Donbas – including land Russian forces has been failed to capture.

He has ultimately decided on advocating a truce along present frontlines – a proposal the Russian government has rejected.

During his election campaign previously, the candidate vowed that he could resolve the Ukraine war in a very short time. He has subsequently discarded that pledge, admitting that concluding the hostilities is turning out harder than he expected.

It has been a uncommon admission of the constraints of his authority – and the challenge of establishing a peace plan when neither side wants, or can afford to, give up the fight.